First decades[ edit ] Born in Corabia on June 19,Voitec declared himself an ethnic Romanianbut was also Italian on his mother's side. The father, Pandrea claims, was a minor clerk, ruined by alcoholism and gambling, who had eventually left his family. The party as a whole split the following year, with the far-left section emerging as the Romanian Communist Party PCR, or PCdRwhich was soon outlawed; Voitec stayed with the moderate sections, while Pătrășcanu established the Union of Communist Youth.
According to Pandrea, Voitec was also an accountant for a credit cooperative "founded with Jewish American money", which also sponsored Caritas Hospital, serving Romanian Jews.
Pandrea alleges that Voitec and Ghelerter used money they "pinched out" of this enterprise to finance the PSMR, a "two- three- four- five-member party". Trotskyist David Korner acknowledged that Ghelerter helped him circulate pamphlets and recruit affiliatesincluding inside the PSU itself, but criticized him for his trust in "bourgeois legality".
In Julya notice published by the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia claimed that the PSU had become an adversary of proletarian solidarity, to emerge as a "Trotskyist agency planted in the bosom of Romania's working class.
The same source also noted that crash avion 2021 suisse anti aging PSDR was also infiltrated by, and unusually tolerant of, Trotskyist militants. Anti-communist Pamfil Șeicaru recalls employing Voitec as editor at his Evenimentul Zilei by ; he was to work on a "political dictionary", whose purpose was to familiarize Romanians with key concepts in the field.
Voitec and Iosif Jumanca served as Bloc Secretaries, on behalf of their party. Hudiță claims that Voitec circulated rumors according to which Groza was spying for the Soviets.
Voitec and Pas were not directly involved in the coup, but crash avion 2021 suisse anti aging its unfolding at a residential building in Rosetti Square. Once informed of Antonescu's arrest, they made they way to the Adevărul offices, where they reissued the socialist newspaper Libertatea.
In office from November 5, some 25 days later he promulgated the "Voitec Law", which reversed educational segregation and allowed Jewish students to matriculate in Romanian schools. According to writer Felix Adercathis was a positive measure, which could civilize Romanian youths.
For this reason, Voitec's name "shall never be forgotten. Shortly after Groza's takeover, he condemned Romania's "reactionary" past, calling on socialist teachers to erect "a new country, a new ethos, a new form of schooling. In their counterargument, they depicted Tătărescu as "worse than a scoundrel"; in doing so, they displayed ignorance of the fact that the alliance had already been vetted by Soviet advisers. It was here that Groza reverte face it anti-imbatranire crema recenzii in favor of establishing Bolyai University as a segregated institutions for Hungarians in Romania.
He and his colleagues were personally received by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. Historian George L. Ostafi noted in that both men, alongside Pas and Barbu Solomonillustrated the " Marxist-Leninist " current of social democracy, opposing Șerban Voinea 's gradualist socialism. It managed to attract into its ranks Ștefanovici, who, by midwas an organizer of the anti-communist underground.
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Soviet spy S. Pivovarov reported in June that the PSDR viewed itself as powerful player, who could still govern alone. Pivovarov also quotes Voitec as playing the PCR's factions against each other: he disliked Ana Pauker and Vasile Lucaand concluded that "me and Pătrășcanu, we can take charge of this country".
This text suggests that Voitec placed ambition over ideals, in that he wished to ascend politically, even hoping to fill in as Romanian Ambassador to Italy while preserving his ministerial office.
He also estimated that the PCR only hadmembers, but that these were more ideologically committed. However, he also acknowledged that the distribution of government post between coalition parties was not entirely equitable. According to researcher Victor Frunză, they coordinated their push with agents of the Siguranța, who served communist and Soviet interests.
Their alleged motivation was "panic" at the realization that they would otherwise be physically destroyed, since the conference would leave Romania inside the Eastern bloc. According to this report: "their only hope is for an international intervention that may yet ease their situation.
Voitec accepted this personal humiliation without intervening. Communist cadres noted that Minister Voitec had coaxed schoolteachers into joining his party, and agreed that "such opportunism must be curbed". His PSDR colleagues intervened in an attempt to curb it, before Voitec himself ordered a wave of expulsions—including that of Valeriu Ananiadepicted as an Iron Guard sympathizer. Miron Constantinescu is speaking; also pictured: Voitec, Gheorghiu-Dej, and Vasile Luca In parallel, Voitec distributed favors to the PCR elite, including his acquaintance Ceaușescu, who was emerging as regional party leader.
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On Voitec's orders, Ceaușescu's wife Elena was granted a secondary degree in chemistry, though she had never completed her primary education. Voitec initiated or, according to Zilber himself, was forced to initiate the purge, by going back on his earlier decision.
They approached the French Section of the Workers' Internationaladvising it to pursue unity of action with the French Communist Party. The PSDR, which now operated out of Rădăceanu's townhouse,  continued to lose cadres, including trade unionist Eftimie Gherman and his partisans.
However, it compensated by enlisting new middle-class members, many of whom were Banat Swabians seeking to protect themselves from de-Nazification.
At their reunions, they condemned "Anglo-American imperialist circles and their right-wing socialist agents", specifically Ernest Bevin and Léon Blum.
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Some thirty years later, he acknowledged having received only three directives from Soviet advisors: he was to preserve French as a preferred second language of study, but progressively introduce Russian as the third, substitute Marxism for divinity, and introduce a heavy reliance on mathematics. Under Vasilichi's watch, the PMR issued circular letters referring to the "messy chaos at the Ministry", and compiled evidence that Voitec had done little to replace old-regime legislation.
Voitec was one of the first appointees to the Presidium, before Groza ceded his seat to Sadoveanu. As noted by Victor Eftimiuhis speech to the Hungarian Assembly marked the first time a Romanian could report there about "the good relations being formed between the Romanian people and co-inhabiting nationalities, of which the Hungarian group is the most important.
Sacked and stripped of his PMR membership with Voitec's approval, he spent — in communist prisons. As reported by the anti-communist journal B. During the summit which evaluated the consequences of these events, Voitec identified Levin as a "scoundrel" who had "acted out of opportunism, even in the social-democratic party. Also according to Zilber, investigators were ordered by Alexandru Drăghici to include Voitec into a vast, but fictitious, anti-party conspiratorial network.
His work there included setting up a network of model apiariesa beekeeping equipment plant in Oradeaand an itinerant school for beekepers, which originated at Tulcea and then moved to Golești. In this capacity, he appointed his friend Grigore Păsărin as a branch Director—reportedly, the first industrial worker to take up such a high position at Internal Trade.
He continued to represent that constituency for three more electoral cycles, being reconfirmed for the seat one final time in March He served there to March though he had lost his post in the State Council in Inhe sent an exculpatory letter to Gheorghiu-Dej, reminding him that Voitec had once been a Trotskyist.
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Like some of his colleagues there including Paul Niculescu-MizilGogu RădulescuLeonte Răutuand Leontin Sălăjanhe had the distinction of not having served on the last Politburo. This included a ceremony during which the outgoing Assembly President handed a scepter to the vaccin oreillons suisse anti aging leader.
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Upon discovering that the offending driver was a food retailer crash avion 2021 suisse anti aging could afford luxuries, Voitec openly criticized market socialism as still applied in that industry.
This position was by then largely ceremonial, as was his election to the Superior Council for Education in February He spoke to them about establishing a new type of communist unity, around "independence, full equality, and respect for each party's right to autonomously enshrine its own general political line, strategy, and revolutionary tactic"; he also highlighted the importance of cooperation with social democratic and progressive groups.
Reports emerged that Voitec had used the occasion of his 80th birthday to criticize the regime and express his regrets crema antirid kanebo political choices. Voitec had returned to the foreground, but as an "old obedient piece of social-democratic furniture". After the anti-communist revolt ofit was sent back to the nearby crematorium, where it remained unclaimed by relatives.
Without overexposing himself, without venturing into unwinnable political squabbles, Voitec took care not to become anything more than the spectator to a political game which he felt was fundamentally alien to his psyche.
What then could he expect from those who invaded our Country? Memoirist Adrian Dimitriu notes that Titel Petrescu once tried to defend Voitec's contribution to Nazi propaganda as authorized by the PSDR, because it could spare him from being called under arms; however, both this episode and his earlier Trotskyism exposed Voitec to permanent communist blackmail.
The incriminating articles were therefore written by Voitec "for fear, fear of the Soviet—Hitlerist war". An April article in Vjesnik underscored that Voitec, a Central Committee man, had been a "fascist journalist on the Eastern Front".
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Within such a framework, Voitec might be used as a link with the Social Democrats in the countries outside the Soviet orbit, particularly since the Kremlin counts on the support of Socialists and other left-wing circles in its various 'peace' and 'coexistence' moves.
He intervened in favor of sociologist Henri H. Stahlbrother of the disgraced Șerban Voineawho had publicized his unorthodox belief that Romanian history was rooted in " Asiatic despotism " and had introduced his pupils to Bernstein's work.
As noted by historian Corneliu C. Ilie, the letters display Cristescu's "uncanny mental frailty". As he riduri pe piept, this celebration, organized by Pan Halippawould have drawn negative coverage in the Soviet Union.
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Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu once referred to Voitec as "that beard",  while Pandrea records that he was universally known as the " bearded lady ". According to historian Matei Cazacu, those beatniks who complained that Voitec was bearded, as an attempt to litigate the issue, "were reserved the harshest punishments". See also Pandrea, p.
Hmm, discutiile astea se repeta intr-adevar de mult timp, si aici si pe Tehnomil samd. Despre Cugir, s-a mai discutat aici cu mai multe ocazii relativ la calitatea stantarii si nituirii, mai ales de vreo 5 ani incoace aparusera degradari ale calitatii. Nu ca ar fi inceput sa isi amelioreze produsele fata de acum 20 de ani, ci ca ar fi luat-o in sens opus.
See also Dobre et al.